Opinion | An Unequal Democracy: The Silent Exclusion of Women from Somaliland’s Politics

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Women sport their national pride at the annual Somaliland Independence Day celebration on May 18 in Hargeisa. Advocates argue that a political quota would give women a greater say in their country's policy-making. Credit: Adrian Leversby/IPS

By Mahdi Ismail

Somaliland often presents itself as a rare success story in the Horn of Africa — a democratic and politically stable system with regular elections, a vibrant civil society, a free media, and a legal framework that promises equality. But beneath this narrative lies a deep imbalance: the systematic exclusion of women from political power.

President Abdirahman Mohamed (Cirro)’s administration, despite promising that women would hold 30% of government positions, has so far appointed only four women out of 115 officials — two ministers, one deputy minister, and one adviser. That accounts for a mere 3.5%. As a member of the NAGAAD network aptly put it: “We matter during elections, but once they win, we are forgotten.”

This problem is not unique to Somaliland. UN Deputy Secretary-General Amina Mohammed has said that the global absence of women at decision-making tables is directly linked to stagnation in peace, health, and human development. “We can bring a lot to the table — but we’re simply not there,” she said.

During my 2023 research, I interviewed a female lawyer and women’s rights activist, who told me that almost every law debated or passed by Somaliland’s House of Representatives avoids women’s issues such as health, gender-based violence (GBV), political quotas, and sexual violence. Instead, the focus remains on narrow political interests.

The Absence Is Nearly Complete

In Somaliland, the exclusion is almost absolute. Only one woman was elected to parliament in 2021. Not a single woman leads a local council. While organizations like NAGAAD have long advocated for gender equality, deep structural barriers remain. The clan-based power-sharing arrangement, driven by all-male traditional elders, effectively eliminates women from leadership altogether.

Some justify this exclusion with arguments such as:

“Women don’t have clan backing.”
“Politics is a tough space.”
“This agenda is imported by foreigners.”
“Women don’t vote for other women.”
“They lack experience and political capacity.”

These narratives distract from the real issue — that political power is intentionally concentrated in male hands.

Ironically, if we look at Somaliland’s universities, the majority of top graduates in every cohort are female. Most honours in each department go to women. So the claim that women lack competence does not hold.

Even in the political sphere, the contrast is striking: in both the 2021 parliamentary and local elections, many of the women who ran, though unsuccessful, were more qualified, experienced, and educated than some of the men who won. Many sitting male MPs and council members have no formal education and were simply nominated by their clans. The notion that men are more “qualified” than women is not only inaccurate, it is disproven by the very composition of the current political institutions and the myths that persist in society.

The Consequences of Exclusion

Neighbouring countries have taken meaningful steps. In 2018, Ethiopia achieved gender parity in its cabinet, with women leading key ministries such as Defence and Peace. Kenya’s constitution prohibits more than two-thirds of any elective or appointive body from being of the same gender, a clause that has provided women with legal grounds to demand inclusion. Even Somalia, amid political instability, implemented a 30% quota for women in its federal parliament.

Somaliland, however, remains far behind. Its failure to implement similar measures places it at the bottom of regional efforts to promote women’s political inclusion. The cost of excluding women is not just symbolic, it is social, economic, cultural, and political.

Research, including a 2023 report by the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, confirms that increasing women’s political participation leads to more peaceful societies, greater public trust, and stronger economies. Exclusion, then, is not only unjust, it is irrational.

A Critical Opportunity at Risk

President Cirro’s election in 2024 sparked hope. His campaign was centred on change, accountability, and a commitment to women’s rights. Women’s organizations mobilized in his favour, believing that a new era had arrived. But today, that hope is gradually fading.

This raises urgent questions:

Are women’s issues truly a priority for the current government?
What happened to the 30% promise?
Why has there been no official policy or public announcement to follow through?
Is the government planning to support female candidates in the upcoming local and parliamentary elections?
Will clans and political parties be urged or required to include women in their lists?
Or will we see a repeat of the past, token appointments of women in advisory or ceremonial roles, while real representation remains a male monopoly?

The answers to these questions will shape the future of women in Somaliland and the international community’s confidence in its democratic credentials.

Because a democracy without women, whether by design or neglect, is incomplete.

Essential Recommendations

To protect the integrity of Somaliland’s democracy and regain public trust, the government must:

– Legally mandate and implement the 30% quota for women in both elected and appointed offices.
– To ensure women’s participation in politics, the President must appoint them and give them a chance in the arena.
– Reform the clan-based political system to open space for inclusive participation.
– Provide financial and institutional support to female candidates and gender-inclusive political parties.
– Work closely with civil society organizations to remove economic, cultural, and psychological barriers to women’s participation.

These are not radical demands. They are necessary measures for a society that claims democratic maturity.

Because democracy is not just about counting votes, it’s about whose voices are heard.

About the Author

Mahdi Ismail , MA in Human Rights (University of York, UK)
MA in Peace and Conflict Studies (Mekelle University, Ethiopia)
Former Director of Planning, Hargeisa Local Government
Mahdilg143@gmail.com

🔗 Twitter/X:@mahedialsomal


The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the Horndiplomat editorial policy.

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