Op-Ed: Cycle of Extensions Breaks: A Turning Point for Somaliland’s Democracy

By: Abdisalam Rageh

For Somalilanders, breaking the cycle of term extensions is not simply about following the electoral calendar, but rather, it is about reclaiming a democracy that has been repeatedly sidelined by delays, broken promises, and political shortcuts. Since our first democratic local elections in 2002, Somaliland has shown the potential to build a strong, self-governed, and stable democratic system. But over the last two decades, that promise has been weakened by unhealthy political norm that must now end for good: the normalization of term extensions.

 The Democratic Journey: A Promising Start

Somaliland’s democratization began before 23 years with a hope. The 2002 local council elections, followed by the 2003 presidential elections, demonstrated a willingness to govern by popular vote. Subsequently, the 2005 parliamentary elections were another milestone, as citizens directly elected 82 members to the House of Representatives, replacing clan-picked predecessor. For many, these early successes symbolized Somaliland’s intent to chart a different path from its authoritarian neighbors; a power based on ballots, not bullets.

 The First Major Disruption: 2008–2010 Presidential Extensions

That path began to erode in 2008, when the Guurti (House of Elders), unelected itself, granted President Dahir Rayale a one-year extension, citing delays in voter registration. To make it even worse, In 2009, a second extension of six months was added, triggering public protests and opposition rejection.
Tensions soared in September 2009, when opposition leaders threatened to form an alternative government. Rumors of military movements circulated, and possible conflict was what Somalilanders last wished for. Only international mediation helped diffuse the crisis, leading to an MoU; but it was not enough. Elections were delayed again, and finally held in June 2010, nearly two years late.

 Parliament Without a People’s mandate: The 2005 MPs Who Overstayed Until 2021

The House of Representatives, elected in 2005 for a 5-year term, remained in office for 16 years without seeking renewal. Term extensions were granted in 2010, 2013, and again in 2019, the last of which added two more years, bringing their stay to 2021.
The result? A parliament that became out of touch, outdated, and unrepresentative. This stagnation meant delayed reforms, diminished accountability, and legislative paralysis; while public trust eroded year after year. In the eyes of the public, term extensions now seemed as a game of reciprocity between the legislative and the executive branches of government.

The Guurti: A House That Time Forgot

Even more concerning is the Guurti itself. Formed in 1993 through clan appointments to ensure post-war stability, the Guurti has never faced a public election. Many of its original members passed away, paving the way for their inheritors to occupy seats; thus making it de-facto inheritable by sons of deceased members and/or clan delegates. Despite having no electoral legitimacy, this body has unilaterally extended presidential and parliamentary terms and blocked reforms; without being accountable to the people.

 Cyle Continues: The 2015 Extension Under Silanyo

In 2015, a familiar story played out. President Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo’s term, due to end in June 2015, was extended by the Guurti by 1 year and 10 months; this time without broad consensus. Protests erupted in cities like Burao and Erigavo, and security forces forcefully responded. One person was killed, and many were injured. Once again, a technical issue (voter registration delays) became the political excuse.
Eventually, elections were held in November 2017, and President Silanyo peacefully handed over power to his successor President Muse Bihi. But that came after a renewed cycle of term extension.

The Most Recent Fire: Muse Bihi’s 2022 Extension

By 2022, Somaliland faced its most violent backlash to term extensions yet. This time the stalemate is different, causes second. The government alleged that the license of political parties was about to end, hinting that the election of new parties should be scheduled before that of presidency. However, the oppositional parties refused such interpretation, calling for the government to hold the presidency in november 13 th, since their license is valid until 26 December 2022.

Government declined, process toward election of parties commenced in defiance of opposition’s stance. Furthermore, an amendment of election law combining both elections, as a resolve to the stand-off, was engineered by the opposition based on a suggestion by group of businessmen who tried to mediate voluntarily but was boycotted by the Guurti.

After months-long political deadlock, the Guurti granted President Bihi a two-year extension, once again without political consensus.

On August 11, 2022, protests erupted in Hargeisa, Burao, and Erigavo. Security forces opened fire, killing at least five people and injuring over 100. Tensions escalated.
Opposition parties refused to recognize the extended presidency. Alarmingly, a pro-election militia took up the arms, and directly clashed with the security forces killing at least 35 soldiers in an ambush.

The event marks the clearest warning yet: the old political formula of “extend and contain” no longer works. People are angry, and democracy cannot function without credible, time-bound elections.

 The Cost of Extensions

Over the years, Somaliland has paid dearly for these repeated election delays:

• Lost democratic legitimacy: Elected leaders overstaying their mandates erode constitutional order.
• Public disillusionment and pollarized society: Citizens feel unheard and unrepresented, leading to voter apathy or violent frustration. Pollarization gets deeper.
• Weakened institutions: Legislative and electoral bodies lose credibility and become tools of convenience.
• Violence and insecurity: 2009, 2015, and 2022 all saw violent clashes directly tied to extensions.
• Diminished international reputation: Once hailed as a “beacon of democracy in the Horn,” Somaliland has often faced credibility issues in relations with its international friends.

A New Chapter Awaits — If We Let It

This is why President Irro’s anticipated decision not to seek a term extension by himself, or support other term extensions under his watch, carries historic weight. If he chooses to follow the constitution, hold timely elections, and end this cycle once and for all, he will go down in our history as a leader who put principle above power. For Somalilanders, no term extension means putting an end to a cycle of unhealthy political norm that has shaped us for two decades, and made our democrcay less genuine, our societal bond breakable and our sense of togetherness in great disarray. To that extent, President Irro is set to be the first that breaks such cycle, and for just that, he will go down in our history as capable, most confident and principled in a long list of statemen; setting a new precedent for what leadership looks like in Somaliland. This, however, awaits its moment to coms into fruition as it nears by the day.

After 23 years of election, engulfed by term extensions, election delays, and distrust amomg the public, it’s time for a new reset. No more excuses. No more extensions. Let the people decide, on time, every time. “By ending term extensions, we do not just protect the letter of the law. We restore the soul of our democracy.”

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Abdisalam Rageh is a legal professional and political analyst with a keen interest in expanding civic space, promoting youth participation in politics, strengthening political rights, and the rule of law practices in the Horn of Africa.

X account :@AbdisalamRageh

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the Horndiplomat editorial policy.

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