Asking questions about political advantages and political marginalisation in Sool could lead to formulation of policies to deter the troublesome youths from feuding subclans in South Sool, argues Liban Ahmad
Recurrence of South Sool conflict has defied the ability of Somaliland government and elders to rein in troublesome young men. Those young men breach agreements and launch attacks on peaceful villages to kill innocent people. The latest attack on Dhumay village in South Sool by militias leaves Somaliland government in a difficult position: nearly two weeks ago, Somaliland Minister for Internal Affairs, Mohamed Kahin, gave a speech in Lasanod. He said the government “will resolutely deal with any person who is found to have violated the agreement.
” No group will be allowed to carry weapons in civilian settlements”, he said. The allegation made by relatives of Dhumay attack victims necessitates an independent inquiry into Dhumay Massacre. Elders from Dhumay allege that Somaliland troops at Dhumay were deployed to Saaxdheer to give attackers a chance to launch a surprise attack on Dhumay. “Our militias were relocated to Adhi-caddeeye” an elder said. He alleged Sool Governor and Somaliland Parliamentary Speaker had planned Dhumay Massacre. .
The allegation revolves around the political power one of the feuding subclclans has in Somaliland: both the Speaker of Somaliland Parliament and the Sool Governor are, subcaln-wise, associated with militias accused of Dhumay Massacre. Without lending credence to the allegation, this political advantage must be factored in any talks to restore peace to South Sool. Victims of Dhumay Massacre consider themselves to be voiceless in Somaliland.
Sool has a another problem referred to by Wadanni political grandee, Ismail Hurreh Bubaa, who, in an Eryal TV interview, had pointed out lopsided appointments of Somaliland Army commanders, an arrangement that made Somaliland Army to be “overwhelmingly commanded by commanders from one by one social group.”
Ismail Bubaa foresaw perils of marginalising citizens
If Somalland social groups that underwent demobilisation (abaabul-ka saarid) back in 1990s, are still grappling with clan imbalance in the appointment of Somaliland Army leaders, how is the situation in Sool, where Caaglayaal (militias paid in the same of Somaliland Army) roam freely in the countryside and moonlight as clan militias?
Bashe Mohamed Farah: Somaliland Parliamentary Speaker
Questions seeking answers include: who ordered troops stationed near Dhumay to be deployed elsewhere, if allegations are true? What were Somaliland troops doing when militias attacked Dhumay, if allegations are untrue? Are there mechanisms to ensure that Sool Governor will not use his authority to put at disadvantage the subclan at war with the subclan he belongs to?
Abdirashiid Gargaar: Somaliland-appointed Sool Governor
Dhumay community members are feeling marginalised; they don’t have political representatives, only traditional leaders. How can Somaliland government act as an impartial entity acting in the interests of all people? The accusation Somaliland government faces is that is has shirked its duty to protect civilians against marauding militias Who gave the order to make Dhumay vulnerable to militia attack? Political questions outweigh questions about the role of traditional leaders in resolving the conflict. The hybrid Somaliland political system – fusing penal code and traditional adjudication— is not working. The buck stops with Somaliland political leaders at all levels.
Liban Ahmad
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Horndiplomat editorial policy.
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SOURCE:HORNDIPLOMAT
